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質問

The abolition of the death penalty was another contributing factor, as was the high presence of revolutionary agitators at the front including Bolshevik agitators, who promoted a defeatist agenda (and whom Kerensky tolerated considerably more than conservative agitators). What is more, the High Command failed to act appropriately, as they failed to effectively combat the democratization of the army and were sluggish in reacting to the difficulties that the officers had faced. There were very few commands that Stavka were able to implement in regards to controlling the body of troops and restoring officer power; simply because they would have been ignored by the men.
Riots and mutineering at the front became common and officers were often the victims of soldier harassment and even murder. Furthermore, the policy of the new government towards the war effort was one of fulfilling obligations towards Russia's allies, as opposed to fighting for the sake of total victory, thus giving soldiers a less credible motivation to fight.
However, Kerensky hoped that an important Russian victory would gain popular favour and restore the soldiers' morale, thus strengthening the weak provisional government and proving the effectiveness of "the most democratic army in the world", as he referred to it. Brusilov deemed this the 'last hope to which he could resort', as he saw the collapse of the army as inevitable.Starting on July 1, 1917 the Russian troops attacked the Austro-Hungarian and German forces in Galicia, pushing toward Lviv. The operations involved the Russian 11th, 7th and 8th Armies against the Austro-Hungarian/German South Army (General Felix Graf von Bothmer) and the Austro-Hungarian 7th and 3rd Armies.
Initial Russian success was the result of powerful bombardment, such as the enemy never witnessed before on the Russian front. At first, the Austrians did not prove capable of resisting this bombardment, and the broad gap in the enemy lines allowed the Russians to make some progress, especially against the Austro-Hungarian 3rd army.

回答No.1

Nakay702 · ベストアンサー

＞The abolition of the death penalty was another contributing factor, as was the high presence of revolutionary agitators at the front including Bolshevik agitators, who promoted a defeatist agenda (and whom Kerensky tolerated considerably more than conservative agitators). What is more, the High Command failed to act appropriately, as they failed to effectively combat the democratization of the army and were sluggish in reacting to the difficulties that the officers had faced. There were very few commands that Stavka* were able to implement in regards to controlling the body of troops and restoring officer power; simply because they would have been ignored by the men.
⇒死刑が廃止されたが、それは（そのこと自体のほかに）、ボルシェビキ煽動者を含んで前線で革命を煽動する者の存在が高まったという、もう一つの貢献的要因となった。彼らは敗北主義者としての協議事項の表明を促進した（ケレンスキーは保守主義の煽動よりかなり大目に見た）。その上、最高司令部は、効果的に軍の民主化と戦うことができずに、将校らの直面する困難に対する反応も鈍かったので、適切な対処に失敗したのである。スタフカ*が、軍隊の本体を統制して、幹部の力量を元に戻すことに関する実行力はほとんどなかった。それというのも、彼らはあっさりと兵士に無視されかねなかったからである。
＊Stavka：ロシア帝国末およびソビエト連邦における軍総司令部（「大本営」に相当）。

＞Riots and mutineering at the front became common and officers were often the victims of soldier harassment and even murder. Furthermore, the policy of the new government towards the war effort was one of fulfilling obligations towards Russia's allies, as opposed to fighting for the sake of total victory, thus giving soldiers a less credible motivation to fight.
⇒前線での暴動や反逆が一般的になって、将校はしばしば兵士による嫌がらせや、時に殺人の被害者でさえあった。さらにまた、新しい政府の戦闘行動に対峙する政策は、完全な勝利のための戦いと対照的に、ロシアの同盟国に対する義務を果たす（だけ）の政策で、こうして、信用できない戦闘の動機づけを兵士に与えたのである。

＞However, Kerensky hoped that an important Russian victory would gain popular favour and restore the soldiers' morale, thus strengthening the weak provisional government and proving the effectiveness of "the most democratic army in the world", as he referred to it. Brusilov deemed this the 'last hope to which he could resort', as he saw the collapse of the army as inevitable.
⇒しかし、ケレンスキーは、ロシアの大勝利が（あれば）大衆の支持を得て、兵士の士気を元に戻せるから、こうして弱い臨時政府を強化して、彼が言及したように「世界で最も民主的な軍隊」の効果を証明することを望んだ。ブルシーロフは、軍の崩壊は避けられないと見たので、これを「彼が頼みとすることができる最後の望み」とみなした。

＞Starting on July 1, 1917 the Russian troops attacked the Austro-Hungarian and German forces in Galicia, pushing toward Lviv. The operations involved the Russian 11th, 7th and 8th Armies against the Austro-Hungarian/German South Army (General Felix Graf von Bothmer) and the Austro-Hungarian 7th and 3rd Armies.
⇒1917年7月1日を機して、ロシア軍隊はガリツィアのオーストリア‐ハンガリーとドイツ軍隊を攻撃し、ルフィフの方へ押していった。その作戦行動には、ロシア第11、第7、第8方面軍が関わって、オーストリア‐ハンガリー／ドイツ南部軍（フェリクス・グラフ・フォン・ボツマー将軍）、およびオーストリア‐ハンガリー第7、第3方面軍に対抗した。

＞Initial Russian success was the result of powerful bombardment, such as the enemy never witnessed before on the Russian front. At first, the Austrians did not prove capable of resisting this bombardment, and the broad gap in the enemy lines allowed the Russians to make some progress, especially against the Austro-Hungarian 3rd army.
⇒当初のロシア軍の成功は強力な爆撃の結果で、それは以前のロシア軍の前線では決して目撃されないような敵対性（軍力）であった。最初、オーストリア軍はこの爆撃に抵抗することができると分からず、特にオーストリア‐ハンガリー第3方面軍に対しては敵の前線間に幅広い隙間があって、そこにロシア軍が若干前進することができた。

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回答ありがとうございました。